To add to the amusement, Brad notes the apparent conservative consternation over McCain’s alleged statement that he would appoint justices like John Roberts but not like Sam Alito. So, in other words, instead of appointing justices who will reach conservative results in 24 out of 24 5-4 cases he’ll appoint…justices who will reach conservative results in 24 out of 24 5-4 cases. To call the distinction between them “paltry” may overstate it; they’re remarkably similar judges, wrapping wholly doctrinaire reactionary positions behind a meaningless veneer of formal minimalism. If you switched the names on their opinions at random I don’t think anyone could tell the difference. I’d love for a reporter to have McCain explain the distinction, but at any rate what we’ve learned is that if John McCain was president by the end of his term Antonin Scalia would probably be the median vote on the Court.
And a screenshot of my Gmail account, from whence it came:
Fully realizing that explaining the joke makes it significantly less funny, I’ll briefly note that the point of this exercise was two-fold:
First, to demonstrate that Jonah Goldberg will literally re-print almost anything he’s sent, provided that it makes some positive, vacuous observation about his book.
Second, to distill the essence of much of the rest of his fan mail, best summarized as a credulous game of “spot the swastika.” This letter, for example, compares the Supreme Court’s 1992 Casey decision to a passage from Mussolini’s La Dottrino del Fascismo (which Goldberg himself admits he hasn’t read in three years). And this fellow discovered that liberal fascists were everywhere, not only at the University of Wisconsin (natch), but also at Robert La Follette High School — which was of course named for the progressive fascist Republican who once vowed to make Wisconsin a “laboratory for democracy fascism.”
As Jonah himself is fond of saying, “I could quite literally go on like this all day.” But I won’t.
While the 8th Circuit rejected the district court’s finding that the policy amounted to cruel & unusual punishment, the court affirmed the district court’s holding that Gov. Blunt’s policy violated the constitutional rights of women inmates by placing an undue burden on their right to abortion. As the lawyer who represented the pseudonymous plaintiff (together with the ACLU) explained, “abortion is not a right that is lost at the jailhouse door.”
How true. My challenge to so-called pro-life governors like Gov. Blunt who don’t like having to provide access to abortion for their incarcerated women: show us you actually have a modicum of concern about life (and not just the politics of it) and ban the use of shackles on pregnant and laboring women.
Assuming this is all a zero-sum game, I suppose this means I’m only 28% addicted to the rest of my life. I don’t necessarily accept that premise, but the fact that I’m typing this while trying to sing the ABC’s with my daughter means, at the very least, that I’m not a good person.
The good news is that by my crude calculations, I’m only 54% addicted to this Asthmaboy album.
Apparently, there really were journalists who took George W. Bush’s transparently meaningless boilerplate about bipartisanship seriously, and thought that someone who sometimes cut deals with one of the most reactionary legislatures in the country would be a moderate in national terms. Huh. It’s doubly surprising that people would be willing to admit it 7 years later, though. Indeed, Wesiberg still seems to think not that he got Bush wrong but that Bush mysteriously changed after roughly his second month in office. Sad.
…Yglesias has more. Another why of putting it is that when politicians start running on a platform of “keeping everything the same in Washington” and “doing everything I can to destroy cooperation and prevent Congress from solving our problems,” then politicians using bromides about bipartisanship can actually be used to infer something about how they’ll act in office.
To echo what Manohla Dargis, Glenn Kenney, Noy Thrupkaew and countless others have said, I really can’t recommend the extraordinary Romanian picture 4 Months, 3 Weeks and 2 Days strongly enough; it’s sure to be remembered as one of the peaks of the decade. Black market abortion in a miserable dictatorship is a potentially great subject for a movie, but also one fraught with peril; the temptation for easy moralizing, flat characters, earnest position paper readings, etc. is ominous. Mungiu, though, avoids them by keeping his focus on two terrific characters brought to life in nearly perfect performances. Consider the richly detailed implications of Gabita’s unwillingness to surely face her predicament, for example. And the camera placements — maintaining focus on Otilia as the normal uncomfortable tedium if a dinner party with condescending friends/relatives-of-the boyfriend becomes unbearably tense because of the knowledge of her friend back on the hotel, or mostly away from Gabita as the coldly exploitative doctor unravels her story and alludes to the new arrangement while Ortilla’s recognition slowly dawns — are superb, always serving the story and characters rather than showing off. It’s also remarkably adept at portraying the deprivations and humilations of Romania under the last years of Ceaucescu.
Mungui is clearly a major new director, and it’s a great film. See it as soon as you have the opportunity.
Conservatives are prone to all sorts of uncontrolled yapping about the “Asian bloodbath” that followed the American loss in Vietnam. The bogosity of those claims need not detain us here, except to point out that they almost universally fail to mention one post-Vietnam bloodbath for which the United States was directly accountable — the 1975 invasion and occupation of East Timor, which the Ford administration green-lighted and subsequent US presidents endorsed with arms and silence. In addition to the hundreds of thousands of Indonesians his government disposed of, upwards of 200,000 East Timorese people died to protect, among other things, the “reputation” of the U.S. in Southeast Asia.