Subscribe via RSS Feed

Category: labor

The Postal Service

[ 65 ] August 15, 2011 | Erik Loomis

The Postal Service laying off 120,000 workers is just about the worst thing that could happen to the economy. Mark Andersen suggests a simple solution to fix the USPS problems:

The fix for our postal service is simple and it does not have to mean mass lay-offs, broken contracts, busted unions or anything else that would further damage our economy and the labor movement. The answer is to shift away from privatization and back to what the postal service once was, a full-fledged government agency and stop Congressional meddling with the agency. We need to move away from the idea that the only way to save a troubled entity is to slash the workforce…more often than not, that only makes things worse.

Meh. That is far too pat, particularly in the paragraph after Andersen admits that he rarely uses the mail anymore. The USPS does have major problems and isn’t bringing in enough income. It’s true that it gets treated differently than other government agencies and that profit-turning isn’t what a government is for. But this doesn’t solve any immediate problems.

I don’t really know what the government should do about the USPS. But I do know that laying off 120,000 workers in this economy is going to be a huge hit on the middle class. Policymakers still assume that private employment is going to pick up all these unemployed government workers, but it just isn’t happening. And even for those workers lucky enough to find employment, it’s unlikely that the jobs will be as good as those offered by the government.

Ideally, perhaps the government would shift some of these workers to other agencies to create a more effective government bureaucracy that would allow federal agencies to improve other areas of our lives. But policymakers in both parties are so convinced that dumping federal workers on the private employment market is going to revive the economy that my sensible idea is a pipe dream. Instead, we will have higher unemployment and more poverty.

Why Verizon Matters

[ 49 ] August 14, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Mark Engler has an excellent discussion of why the Verizon strike is so important, or as he puts it, the next Wisconsin:

The parallel to Wisconsin is apt for several reasons. First, like the Republican elected officials in their attacks on unionized schoolteachers and other public employees, Verizon is taking aim at one of the last bastions of the American middle class. As a main strategy in its public relations, the company is trying to stoke resentment about the fact that the CWA and IBEW workers actually have living-wage jobs. It is hoping that “I don’t have a pension, why should they” logic will carry the day.

Accordingly, on Wednesday Verizon took out a full-page ad in the Philadelphia Inquirer suggesting that a typical employee makes $80,600 in annual pay and $42,000 in benefits. The union disputes this claim, contending that salaries are generally in the $60,000 to $77,000 range, and that benefits are less costly than the company would suggest. But, regardless, the debate over numbers misses some critical questions: What’s wrong with workers sharing in the profits of a healthy corporation? Isn’t that the way our economy is supposed to work?

(On a side note, it’s always a treat when companies plead poverty at the negotiating table and then turn around and spend big bucks on media spots, anti-union consultants, and pricey PR firms—but that’s another story.)

The fate of 45,000 middle-class jobs is a big deal for all of America. Last month, the entire U.S. economy had a net gain of only 117,000 jobs. Not only is that for the whole country, it represents a pretty decent month given the numbers from the past year. Furthermore, almost all of the new jobs now being created are low-wage. Given these realities—and the fact that concentrating all wealth in the hands of the rich is a very bad strategy for creating the kind of demand the economy needs to rebound—what happens to the Verizon workers is a matter of broad public concern.

If the assault on the middle class isn’t halted here, there will be another battle and another and another until every right working people have gained over the past century is eliminated.

Labor Notes

[ 30 ] August 13, 2011 | Erik Loomis

1. Thirteen unions are boycotting the 2012 Democratic National Convention in Charlotte because North Carolina is a “right to work” state. These are mostly the building trades, for whom using union labor has traditionally meant a lot more for than most of the other unions. It perhaps seems a bit petty or poor strategy, but it’s also a reminder that labor is a complete afterthought when it comes to the Democratic Party except as a GOTV apparatus and fundraising machine.

2. One of the nation’s most intense labor battles is occurring almost completely without media coverage in Longview, Washington, where the International Longshore and Warehouse Union (ILWU) are fighting a big multinational named EGW that built an enormous grain terminal in Longview without union labor and is now attempting to operate it without nonunion labor, which is a violation of its lease. It’s gotten pretty intense:

On July 11, up to 100 members and supporters of Longview’s 202-member ILWU Local 21 were arrested after demonstrators knocked down a chainlink fence and entered the terminal; arrestees included the presidents of ILWU locals in Vancouver and Portland. Then, after midnight on July 14, as many as 600 demonstrators gathered, and about 200 occupied train tracks to block a mile-long Burlington Northern Santa Fe train from delivering grain to the terminal. That prompted the railroad to say it would suspend deliveries while the dispute continued.

This might seem like small potatoes to a lot of progressives, who would rather talk about the 2012 Republican primaries or the debt ceiling, but it is these small battles that create the larger war. EGT has the most anti-union lease in Longview, which is a major port, and it portends the decline of union labor and the benefits that come with it if the corporation is not stopped. This is important stuff.

Note as well that I only heard about this because of a reader. So if you have a labor issue you’d like to see covered, drop me a line and I’ll see what I can do.

3. The Verizon strike continues. The strikers are making themselves felt throughout the Northeast. I see them at 2-3 locations per day. There are lots of people honking horns in support and spirits seem pretty high. The strikers have done a good job of making people wary of going to Verizon stores, presumably hurting business. Verizon has unfortunately won a lot of injunctions around specific union actions, which makes me wonder if there’s a pro-labor judge left out there. The workers are also doing a good job at harassing scabs, who definitely deserve to be harassed.

4. Finally, IBEW workers at the Nine Mile Point nuclear plants in Oswego, New York successfully completed an 18 day strike recently after the company tried to give the workers a large pay raise but decimate their benefits, in an attempt to fool them into taking an overall worse contact. The IBEW workers struck and won a contract that helps protect pensions for younger workers while older workers take a small pension hit and all workers get small pay increases.

Recent Union Victories

[ 3 ] August 11, 2011 | Erik Loomis

There’s been a surprising number of union victories of late. I discuss several of them in my new piece at Alternet and consider their possible implications.

With all of this pretty good to great news all of a sudden, one wonders, is this coincidence? Or is it a sign of a rejuvenated labor movement ready to take on aggressive corporate attempts to destroy worker organizations in order to promote an increased profit line? It’s important not to overstate the impact of the labor-led protests in Madison against Scott Walker’s anti-union bill. Lowell Peterson noted, “What we witnessed in Wisconsin was very inspiring but the voting at nonfiction basic cable production companies was mostly done before the Wisconsin gov started slinging his six-gun. Organizing requires hard, patient work, and folks have to believe the union can make a difference in their lives. I think we have made that case to folks.”

That’s absolutely true, but at the same time the climate of unionization is important. Workers have historically joined unions when the media reports positively about them and when the government plays a neutral role in union elections rather than openly supporting employers. The Republican overreach in Wisconsin, Ohio and other traditionally pro-union states led to a great deal of attention for unions. Obama’s NLRB is making a real difference in working people’s lives.

But while these factors are important, the real credit goes to the people bravely risking their jobs to improve their lot and that of all workers. Workers may have tough employment prospects if they lose their jobs through union organizing, but the increasingly desperate economy has also helped many understand that employers will not take care of them and that their best chance for a respectable paycheck lies in uniting with their fellow employees. We must work to build off these recent victories to make the labor movement a force in America again. The survival of middle-class America depends on it.

Verizon Strike

[ 68 ] August 10, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Over 45,000 Verizon workers in nine eastern states, under the leadership of the Communication Workers of America and the International Brotherhood of Electrical Workers have gone out of strike. This is already one of the largest and most visible strikes in years. Verizon workers are being squeezed by the company. Despite the fact that Verizon has made $20 billion in profits over the past 4 years, it is asking its workers to take huge benefit hits in the new contract. These workers are part of the traditional land-line phone business, where Verizon is not seeing such high profits. Verizon is attempting to force its use members into the same terrible health care plans that non-union workers get. CWA spokespeople claim it could cost some families up to $6000 a year extra in health expenses. Verizon also proposes to outsource more jobs abroad, cut sick days, and eliminate benefits for workers who get hurt on the job. Verizon has refused to back down on any of these points, seeking to break the power of the unions. And so we have the strike.

It’s hard to say what will happen here. I suspect the unions are quite a bit more willing to negiotate than Verizon, but they are also willing to stand their ground, as we see. A union victory followed by successfully organizing other Verizon workers would be a huge boon to the labor movement and is the ideal outcome here.

A Vision for Economic Renewal: An American Jobs Agenda

[ 55 ] August 2, 2011 | Erik Loomis

I have a piece at Alternet on the new proposal issued by the Smart Globalization Initiative at the New America Foundation and the United Steelworkers. Entitled “A Vision for Economic Renewal: An American Jobs Agenda,” this report identifies six areas where the government could make a positive impact in putting Americans back to work. I discuss each of them with analysis. One example:

6. Youth Unemployment

Youth unemployment has skyrocketed during the economic crisis. The report explores connections between early unemployment and long-term poverty, noting, “young people who do not have a successful work experience by age 25 are at a greatly increased risk of lifelong poverty.” Even college graduates are in danger; those who have to take low-wage jobs early in their careers earn 30-40% less for life than average college graduates. The report urges the government to address this crisis by creating jobs programs for in-school youth, providing vouchers to stimulate demand for young workers, and extending the Work Opportunity Tax Credit.

I applaud the report for focusing on this serious problem. Millions of unemployed youth is a recipe for societal instability. During the Great Depression, young, unemployed men provided the shock troops for fascist regimes throughout Europe. In the United States, commentators of the day feared that the young and unemployed could take the U.S. toward either communism or fascism and fretted about both possibilities. Franklin Roosevelt, whose New Deal clearly inspired the report’s authors, recognized the potential destabilizing effects of angry young people with nothing to do and put them to work in the Civilian Conservation Corps, Works Progress Administration, and other federal agencies. If anything, I’d like to see the report call for even greater emphasis on employing the young through direct government employment.

If we had serious leaders, this report would be a model that politicians would get behind for resuscitating the American economy. Alas, we live in the United States in 2011.

Labor Notes

[ 15 ] July 22, 2011 | Erik Loomis

A lot of interesting labor stories out there right now:

1. Sarah Jaffe has an excellent piece on unemployment at Alternet. Unlike all too many (almost all) reports on the unemployed, she actually focuses on people who are unemployed, gathering their stories with a particular interest in those organizing unemployed workers. Another Coxey’s Army is in order.

2. Also at Alternet, which has had some great labor reporting of late, Rania Khalek has a must-read article on corporations using prison labor. Given the demographics of the prison system, this is a real civil rights as well as a labor rights issue. And isn’t prison labor just the need stage in the free market capitalist race to the bottom? We’ve already moved all the jobs out of the U.S. But those Chinese/Vietnamese/Hondurans, they all want to get paid more money. What’s up with that? I can buy that ivory backscratcher if we start using prison labor! Disgusting. I mean, why even pay them at all? A tidbit from the piece:

Private companies have long understood that prison labor can be as profitable as sweatshop workers in third-world countries with the added benefit of staying closer to home. Take Escod Industries, which in the 1990s abandoned plans to open operations in Mexico and instead moved to South Carolina, because the wages of American prisoners undercut those of de-unionized Mexican sweatshop workers. The move was fueled by the state, which gave a $250,000 “equipment subsidy” to Escod along with industrial space at below-market rent. Other examples include Ohio’s Honda supplier, which pays its prison workers $2 an hour for the same work for which the UAW has fought for decades to be paid $20 to $30 an hour; Konica, which has hired prisoners to repair its copiers for less than 50 cents an hour; and Oregon, where private companies can “lease” prisoners at a bargain price of $3 a day.

What hope do we have to build a middle-class with the expansion of prison labor as the new workforce?

3. The big labor story of the last 24 hours was Hyatt Hotels turning heat lamps on strikers in Chicago conducting a 1 day walkout to protest the terrible conditions its housekeepers have to work under. It was only 83 at 7 am yesterday morning when the lights were used, on the way to 101 yesterday in Chicago. Hyatt is owned by the Pritzker family, which for those of you who follow these things, includes Penny Pritzker, close Obama adviser and his original choice for Secretary of Commerce before she took herself out of the running. With friends like these in the Democratic Party, who needs enemies?

Hyatt has since apologized. But to hell with their apology. A real apology would be sitting down with the union and agreeing to better conditions for the housekeepers.

4. Interesting bit at Democracy Now about the NLRB ordering a new election after SEIU conspired with Kaiser Permanente to beat out an upstart health care union, the National Union of Health Workers. Pretty bad deal by SEIU. I’m going to look into this more for a longer piece on the need for grassroots unions unaffiliated with the big organizations.

Michelle Rhee, Union-Buster

[ 50 ] July 20, 2011 | Erik Loomis

It’s possible that some education “reformers” really do care about improving childhood education. But many of them care about union-busting much, much more.

Young Progressives and Labor

[ 68 ] July 20, 2011 | Erik Loomis

I’ve talked before about how young progressive bloggers don’t seem to have too much interest in labor history or labor issues more broadly. Of course, most of the voices in this debate are familiar. So it’s nice to hear someone I haven’t read before weigh in, a young writer at one of the Kos diaries. As a response to the left neoliberal conversation from the other day, eastern619 notes that it took him a long time to understand why labor was important:

One of the problems for young left wingers like myself is that we have no sense of labor history. I was born in 1987; during the height of the Reagan Era. I have no idea what life was like when the labor movement was at its peak. I have lived in a capitalistic system all my life, and even though I’m aware of alternative economic systems like social democracy, I have never experience it. Finally, like many college graduates, if I wanted to participate in discussions about class, socialism, and labor, I had to seek out my college socialist club because I wasn’t getting it from my political science major.

For my generation, its very easy to go through life without ever questioning our capitalistic system. Given the limited power that workers have today, it’s very easy for my generation to assume that this is how the world always worked. As in, its easy for us to assume that employers always had an advantage over the employees, and the lack of workers rights is simply the natural result of our changing economy and society. It’s easy to believe that so long as you are not aware that since the 1970′s there has been a very deliberate effort on the part of businesses to weaken the power of workers by destroying their unions.

This is just one opinion here, but it makes some sense to me. Last month, when making this point, Yglesias found some numbers suggesting that young people were as pro-union if not more than older people. Can’t find the link now, but it’s interesting. I don’t know. Could be true. I’m not going to argue against numbers with my anecdotal information, but I don’t think that translates to much in practical terms. I’d guess that those numbers reflect that young people aren’t per se opposed to the idea of a union when it is mentioned to them, but still don’t know much about what it is. Since the fall of the Soviet Union there hasn’t been a legitimate system to use as a counterweight to capitalism. The widespread assumption that free-market capitalism was the only workable system has created ground for embracing it in its extremist form, as we are seeing in today’s Republican Party.

Everything young people have been taught about extremist capitalism is that it’s the perfect economic system. So why wouldn’t most people think this was true. After all, they all have video game systems. This is the first time that faith may be questioned, with high unemployment rates for the young and a persistent economic crisis. I have only had the chance to teach labor history once and this was in the spring of 2008, just after the recession began. Much to my surprise, students were really into it. So maybe there are more young people like eastern619 out there. And whether that’s true, we should be trying to make it so. There are millions of young Americans unsure about the future. Making a concerted effort to get them to see that labor unions could be part of the answer should be a top priority.

UPDATE: Matt sent me his post on the demographics of union support.

Labor Notes

[ 27 ] July 15, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Some labor notes for your Friday:

1. Verizon is attacking its own workers, attempting to force 45,000 workers to tie pay to performance and pay into their own health care plans. The CWA and IBEW are organizing their members to protest. One would hope that they would talk strike here, though that’s probably unlikely.

Verizon CEO Ivan Seidenberg made a mere $17.5 million in 2009.

2. Washington, D.C. public schools fired 413 teachers today as part of their performance evaluations. I’m sure this kind of thing will really help our best young minds decide to make a difference in a tough public school where if they can’t get test scores up, they’ll get canned.

3. In better news, the North Carolina based Farm Labor Organizing Committee has won a big victory over Reynolds American, convincing the giant tobacco company to sit down with FLOC representatives over working conditions in the tobacco fields after a 3 year campaign. With the sad decline of the United Farm Workers, an organization that in recent years could never get past being more about Cesar Chavez than living agricultural laborers, FLOC has become the premier farmworker union in the United States. FLOC has engaged in many successful actions and is organizing our most voiceless workers in the hardest place to organize in the country.

4. A northern Minnesota hospital is putting profits over patient care and nurses are fighting back, having just engaged in a 3 day strike to protest understaffing and for the right to send patients to a different hospital if nurses can’t take care of them. The hospital opposes that. You know, profits and all.

This Day in Labor History: July 14, 1877

[ 30 ] July 14, 2011 | Erik Loomis

On July 14, 1877, the Great Railroad Strike began in Martinsburg, West Virginia.

After the Civil War, industrialists engaged in an enormous rail building program. Much of this was funded through shaky and corrupt means, leading to the Panic of 1873. When the bubble burst in 1873, many railroads went bankrupt and those who survived forced workers to bear the brunt of cutbacks. Throughout the nation, rail workers became increasingly angry. Feeling like they had no power to lead dignified lives and betrayed by the new capitalist system of the age, desperation set in.

The Pennsylvania Railroad led the charge in oppressing workers. It forced workers to accept pay cut after pay cut and then doubled the length of runs with no increase in crew size. Other railroads quickly followed suit in a race to the bottom. In Martinsburg, the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad forced its workers to accept their second pay cut in a year. This broke the camel’s back and workers walked out. Rail workers on big lines had a lot of potential power because if they refused to allow trains to roll on a given line, it would disrupt traffic across the country. They knew this and used this tactic.

The strike quickly spread across the nation. Within days, 100,000 workers were on strike, with many more unemployed on the picket lines in support. In Maryland, Pennsylvania, and Illinois especially, workers halted the nation’s rail traffic, bringing the country to a screeching halt.

The strike didn’t last too long (45 days) and the workers didn’t succeed. Nonetheless, it is one of the most important events in labor history for two reasons. It was the first mass action of industrial workers in American history, which scared the hell out of the capitalists. It now seemed America was susceptible to what were considered foreign ideologies from Europe. Second, the capitalists set the tone for dealing with striking labor throughout the Gilded Age–crush it with violence.

Wrote an anonymous Baltimore merchant, sympathetic to the strike: “The strike is not a revolution of fanatics willing to fight for an idea. It is a revolt of working men against low prices of labor, which have not been accomplished with corresponding low prices of food, clothing and house rent.”

On the other hand, many Americans were outraged. “It was evident,” said the Annals of the Great Strikes in the United States, published in 1877, “that there were agencies at work outside the workingmen’s strike. The people engaged in these riots were not railroad strikers. The Internationalists had something to do with creating scenes of bloodshed…. The scenes…in the city of Baltimore were not unlike those which characterized the events in the city of Paris during the reign of the Commune in 1870.”

Thomas Alexander Scott, president of the Pennsylvania Railroad, said that strikers should receive “a rifle diet for a few days and see how they like that kind of bread.” His hopes were answered in Pittsburgh on July 21 when militiamen fired on strikers, killing 20. In response, workers went ballistic, burning 39 buildings and over 1400 rail cars. The next day, militamen struck again, killing another 20 workers. In Reading, state troopers killed 16 people. In Chicago, nearly 20 died after the mayor called for a volunteer militia to crush the strike.

Judge Thomas Drummond of the Seventh Circuit Court of Appeals ordered federal marshals to protect the railroads from the strikers, saying ” “A strike or other unlawful interference with the trains will be a violation of the United States law, and the court will be bound to take notice of it and enforce the penalty.” Finally, President Rutherford B. Hayes called out the U.S. military to end the strike, setting another precedent–that the federal government would openly side with corporations over workers, no matter how legitimate their grievances.

Railroad workers would remain among the most volatile laborers for the next half a century. At the front lines of an industry rife with corruption, questionable business decisions, and thin profit margins, they would feel the brunt of the American boom and bust cycle. Building off their experiences in 1877, they would remain at the forefront of American radicalism for decades to come.

This Day in Labor History: July 12, 1917

[ 20 ] July 12, 2011 | Erik Loomis

The summer of 1917 was tense in the United States. The entrance of the nation into World War I that spring seemed to place the entire nation on edge. Progressivism, a diverse movement with widely mixed motivations among its members, showed its dark side like never before, using the increasingly activist federal government to suppress all perceived threats to middle-class, patriotic America. The Wilson Administration cracked down on dissent, passing the Espionage Act in June, a law used, along with several other laws passed during the war, to crack down on any criticism of the war. Anti-immigrant movements increased their activities–after nearly 40 years of intense immigration, Americans’ feared more than ever immigrants’ impact upon the nation. The prohibition movement also took advantage of the war, using the connection between immigrants and alcohol to push through the 18th Amendment. Vigilante attacks against labor organizers, particularly radical labor, increased. To name one notorious incident, I.W.W. organizer Frank Little was lynched in the summer of 1917 in Butte, Montana and probably by Pinkertons (a future topic in this series).

Corporations were quick to see the opportunity wartime hysteria offered. Among them was Phelps-Dodge. One of the nation’s largest mining conglomerations, Phelps-Dodge operated on both sides of the U.S.-Mexican border, mining a number of minerals, but especially copper. As the company moved on both sides of the border, so did workers. Phelps-Dodge operations in southern Arizona were staffed by native-born American, Mexican, and eastern European workers.

Bisbee, Arizona was one of the major operations. The copper companies completely controlled Bisbee. Mine safety was a major problem. Housing conditions were extremely poor for most workers. Remembered miner Fred Watson:

It was a pretty tough town. The conditions in the mines were intolerable. Absolutely. They never mentioned anything the miners asked for. Their demands were never mentioned.

In response to the terrible conditions in Bisbee and around the border mining belt, the Industrial Workers of the World organized the miners. The I.W.W. began in 1905 out of the Western Federation of Miners, which had represented workers in a number of brutal mining strikes in the previous years. Building off those experiences, the I.W.W. took their message of a world controlled by workers, a world without rapacious capitalists brutalizing workers to the nation and the world. The I.W.W. was particularly successful with the itinerant and desperate laborers of the Pacific Northwest–miners, loggers, and agricultural workers. The I.W.W. was involved in Bisbee for some time before 1917, as were other unions. After repeated crushed attempts to unionize the miners, in 1916, the International Union of Mine, Mill, and Smelter Workers did successfully organize about 1800 miners. These were mostly native-born Americans. The I.W.W. meanwhile had more success with the most marginalized workers–the Mexicans and eastern Europeans.

As it did with its actions throughout the nation, the I.W.W. took a flexible approach to its organizing, subsuming its larger ideological desire for worker control over the means of production to whatever local workers needed. On June 24, 1917, the I.W.W. in Bisbee presented the copper companies with a list of demands. Among them were better living and working conditions, more men per machine, and nondiscrimination against union workers. The copper companies refused to negotiate. By June 27, about 50% of Bisbee miners were on strike.

Phelps-Dodge and the smaller operations in Bisbee decided to use the war as a pretext to crack down on the Wobblies once and for all. Newspapers in Bisbee and around the nation accused the I.W.W. of pro-German sympathy. This was absurd, though the Wobblies did oppose the war. However, I.W.W. leadership also told workers to make up their own mind about the war. Local elites created the Citizens’ Protective League under control of the sheriff. And it decided to round up the Wobblies and ship them out.

On July 11, 1917, the Citizens Protective League put out a call to the surrounding areas for deputies. 2000 men assembled by the next morning. They took over the Western Union office to prevent word getting out about their actions. They then went around to the miners’ cabins and rounded people suspected of radicalism or of being Mexican or eastern European. They collected 1186 men many of whom were not on strike or even miners. They marched them to waiting trains, where they were pushed into cattle cars knee deep in manure. The train took off, went to the New Mexico-Arizona border, and dropped them off in the desert.

By this time, people heard about what was happening, largely because the vigilantes wanted to drop them in Columbus, New Mexico (a town already famous for being burned by Pancho Villa), but Columbus wouldn’t take them. A train did go out to give them some food and water, but the 1186 men were abandoned out there for 2 days, when finally the U.S. military collected them and placed them in pens near Columbus.

Nothing really happened to the copper companies for this action. The Wilson Administration ordered a cursory investigation, but clearly did not care a great deal given its lack of respect for civil liberties of radicals. The Federal Mediation Commission did say that the copper companies were at fault, but said that the state of Arizona should deal with it.

Not surprisingly, Arizona did nothing.

Although it became a cause celebre among unions throughout the nation, the Bisbee Deportation crushed the miners union. Of course, those rounded up had done nothing wrong. Most were soon released by the army to go back to mining or to slip back to Mexico.

These wounds don’t heal easily. As late as 1985, in an oral history, Walter Douglas, the grandson of Phelps-Dodge founder James Douglas, and a witness to the deportation, made light of it:

So then they backed a cattle train in on that siding by the ball park, loaded them all in, and put in water and food and everything else and sent them to Columbus, New Mexico. And when they got them over there they put the train on the siding and took the engine and caboose off and brought it back and they deported twelve hundred and some people. I was seven years old at that time and our house was up on a hill and I remember the baby-sitter we had taking my brother and I up there in the window and we could watch them going down Bisbee Road. Twelve hundred people’s quite a few, you know, plus the cowboys that were herding them. (laughs) They put them all on the train and that was the last of it. But, of course they brought suit against the company, they brought suit against my dad. They threatened him with jail and everything because he violated their civil rights and enslaved them, they said, because they didn’t give them any food and water. Federal investigators came out and they had court hearings in El Paso and in Bisbee and they proved that they had been fed and watered and everything else was given to them, even the transportation.(laughter)

Douglas went on:

WD: Yes, free transportation. So it just fizzled out, but there’s still some people that say we were violating civil rights. Well that might have been so, in a way by making them . . . but they were not residents of Bisbee and what people don’t realize is the company was working as hard as it could because there was a war on, WWI, and they depended on that copper, and these people trying to tie up the mine and the smelter, it just didn’t go over so big. And people look at it now, well it was terrible with all these people . . . The conditions, circumstances were entirely different and the state itself was only five years old at the time. The governor did his best, he sent the guard down there to help out, but they didn’t have much of a guard, a five-year-old state didn’t, but they did have the Arizona Rangers. They were the equivalent of DPS, and they took care of the situation pretty well. There was nobody killed or anything. I think one person got killed–two people got in an argument–but aside from that for that much of a disturbance, it was pretty good.

Miner Fred Watson remembered the event somewhat differently in 1977:

They took men out of the barber shops. Why is it they went to the barber shops and trampled them under foot on the streets that morning? Why did they go in restaurants where we had cooks and waiters with their white jackets and big hats [and put them] in line? Why did they get those? They didn’t work in the mines. There was a fellow in a white coat that worked in there, and he used to work in the mines. They went in there and they wanted to know, “Are you with these guys or against them?”

He said, “I’ve made my living off those fellows for ten years. Why wouldn’t I be with them?”

His pool hall was wrecked because he was in line with us. It was union busting and a good opportunity.

They got me out of bed looking down a double-barrelled shotgun and I don’t believe one of them was a citizen. I believe Tommy Madden was, but the others – I have my doubts. I don’t think Joe Holt was a citizen. I wouldn’t swear to that but I went to school with him. They got me down to the street. I had a pair of pants and my shirt and underwear on, and I had sense enough to grab my wallet that was in my good clothes. I wasn’t even broke.

Sadly, this would be far from the last time vigilantes took advantage of World War I hysteria and the Red Scare to intimidate unions, deport radicals, and murder union members, as future entries in this series will show.

Previous posts in this series can be viewed under the “This Date in Labor History” tag.

Page 1 of 212
  • blogroll

  • Brad Delong
  • Crooked Timber
  • Daily Kos
  • Danger Room
  • Eschaton
  • Ezra Klein
  • Feministe
  • Talking Points Memo
  • Feministing
  • Glenn Greenwald
  • Juan Cole
  • Monkey Cage
  • Switch to our mobile site