I am teaching a course on Protest and Resistance in America this semester, as I did last fall. Our first book this year is Carol Anderson’s One Person, No Vote: How Voter Suppression is Destroying Our Democracy. And while I am very not supportive of arguments that the only way to create change is through the electoral process, it is one critical piece of the puzzle and undergraduates have to understand just what is going on when they are wondering how to fight back. Exposing the Republican Party for what it is, which they will never get from the media, is important.
So it was lucky today that I ran into this new report from The Leadership Conference on Civil and Human Rights exposing just how many polling places have been closed since Shelby County. A couple of notes from the summary material:
The surge in voting changes at the state and local level after the U.S. Supreme Court’s Shelby County v. Holder decision catalyzed a systemic examination of poll closures and other seemingly innocuous changes that could have negatively impacted voters of color. In 2016, The Leadership Conference Education Fund identified 868 polling place closures in formerly Section 5 jurisdictions in our initial report, The Great Poll Closure. This report, Democracy Diverted: Polling Place Closures and the Right to Vote, is both an update to — and a major expansion of — our original publication.
Our first report drew on a sample of fewer than half of the approximately 860 counties or county-equivalents that were once covered by Section 5. This report covers an expanded data set of 757 counties. What’s more, the 2016 report relied on voluntary reports of aggregate numbers of polling places that state election officials gave to the U.S. Election Assistance Commission. This report relies largely on independent counts of polling places from public records requests and publicly available polling place lists.
In this report, we found 1,688 polling place closures between 2012 and 2018, almost double the 868 closures found in our 2016 report. Additionally, Democracy Diverted analyzes the reduction of polling places in the formerly covered Section 5 jurisdictions in the years between the 2014 and 2018 midterm elections. We found 1,173 fewer polling places in 2018 — despite a significant increase in voter turnout. To understand the discriminatory impact of these closures, we analyzed how voters of color were impacted at the precinct level. This analysis — precisely the kind that the U.S. Department of Justice conducted under preclearance — takes time and resources. Our hope is that journalists, advocates, and voters will use this county-level polling place data to scrutinize the impact of poll closures in their communities, to understand their impact on voters of color, and to create a fairer and more just electoral system for all.
First, it’s important to note–and Anderson goes into this in detail–Republicans do not want you to vote unless you are old and white and will vote for them. This has not changed since 1965 except that Republicans have become the White Man’s Party. Second, if you look at the maps, of all the pre-clearance states, the polling place closing is most stark in Arizona, a state whose horrific racism is right there with anti-Native racism in the Dakotas and Oklahoma as the least discussed and most rancid in the nation.