Home / General / This Day in Labor History: June 15, 1990

This Day in Labor History: June 15, 1990


On June 15, 1990, 400 striking janitors in Los Angeles who had organized with the Service Employees International Union (SEIU) and were trying to secure a contract with International Service Systems (ISS), who had the contract to clean many of the city’s downtown office buildings, were beaten by police as they attempted to cross a street. Around 90 strikers were wounded and 38 were arrested. This event galvanized support for the janitors and is an important event both in the history of Latino labor in the United States and the growth of SEIU into arguably the most powerful union in the United States during the early 21st century.

In 1983, the average wage for a janitor in Los Angeles surpassed $7 an hour and included health insurance. By 1986, that had plummeted to $4.50 and insurance had disappeared. This happened through a phenomena we are familiar with today–instead of employing their own janitors, building owners began contracting the work out to an outside company that put enormous downward pressure on wages and working conditions. These companies largely hired undocumented workers, especially from Central America, that they could control and who had little power to resist. Once again, we see how contracting out work so often leads to downward pressure on wages and working conditions.

What was happening in Los Angeles ravaged SEIU locals around the country. After a 1985 lockout in Pittsburgh, the union looked for a new campaign to fight back. SEIU sought to reverse these losses in 1987 with the Justice for Janitors campaign. The plan, developed primarily by Stephen Lerner, targeted building owners rather than contractors as they held the real power and could roll the higher costs of treating workers decently into the contract as opposed to a contractor then losing out to a non-union agency if the campaign targeted them. The campaign had early successes in Denver and Atlanta before moving on to the tougher, larger cities of Los Angeles and Washington, DC.


It was in Los Angeles that the movement achieved its greatest victories. Local 339 in that city became the center of the national campaign in 1990. Some of this came from the fact that the Central American workers who made up the local’s core already knew social struggle. These were refugees from the civil wars in Guatemala and El Salvador. They were, as a whole, less scared of civil disobedience than native-born workers, despite their undocumented legal status. They began following building owners to their nice restaurants and country club and heckling them, while using leaflets and demonstrations to get the buildings’ tenants to place pressure on the owners to settle the issue. This strategy also avoided the long and often futile process of going through a union election and dealing with the National Labor Relations Board. Given how long such a process takes and how that system has become co-opted by employers, it made sense to pressure employers to accept a union without an election. Effectively, the Justice for Janitors campaign borrowed many of the tactics of the civil rights movement to build public sympathy rather than the classic tactics of the labor movement.

Perhaps the most aggressive building owners and contractors were at Century City, a sizable office complex where International Service Systems had the contract. With the building owner and ISS unwilling to deal, the union led the janitors on a strike in May 1990. It was during these protests, on June 15, that the police attacked the janitors. They did so after shouting orders to disperse only in English with a group of workers who were largely monolingual in Spanish. As the office workers looked on in horror from the buildings, the police attacked the strikers for two hours. They used their riot batons to beat the workers at the front of the line, then engaged in a flanking action that trapped the strikers in a parking garage. When the workers tried to flee, they were arrested for failure to disperse. 90 workers were injured, 19 seriously. One suffered a fractured skull. One pregnant worker miscarried her baby.


This was an overwhelming error for the police, building owners, and ISS. Public sympathy overwhelmingly supported the janitors after the violence. The mayor of Los Angeles had mostly stayed out of it until this point, but after the beatings, he spoke out for the union. It seemed to many that the police wanted to teach these immigrants a lesson for causing problems. SEIU sued the LAPD for civil rights violations, leading to a $2.35 million settlement in 1993. The building owner finally caved and placed pressure on the contractor to settle. This led to the establishment of a master contract in Los Angeles in 1991.

This of course did not transform the lives of janitors overnight. Other cities, especially Washington, saw even more intransigent resistance than Los Angeles. To coordinate these national campaigns, critics noted how SEIU leadership rode roughshod over locals who refused to follow the international’s strategy. They claimed the aggressive actions against these locals undermined union democracy, while the practice merging small locals into larger state and region wide locals that could have greater collective political power but which isolated the former officials of those locals who didn’t have the power to win office in the larger organizations. I have to admit that I don’t have all that much sympathy for those arguments, as the need to get lame locals to actually do something may supersede idealized union democracy and the benefits of concentrating worker power into large locals has real political advantages. I know many disagree with me on this point and I guess it depends on what one wants out of the labor movement.

The campaign was one of the greatest victories for organized labor in the era and announced SEIU’s arrival on the national labor scene. By 2000, the Justice for Janitors had organized janitors around the country with companies seeking to sign new contracts in order to stave off more trouble. By 2005, SEIU represented 70 percent of janitors in 23 of the nation’s 50 largest cities. For the 21st century, that’s impressive density, especially for private sector work.

The campaign is also notable for representing the new inclusion of Latinos in the labor movement. For most of organized labor’s history, unions had been hostile to immigration, feeling that the competition undermined their wages and ability to win contracts. Sometimes this could get quite ugly, such as the Chinese Workingmen’s Party role in the Chinese Exclusion Act and the American Federation of Labor’s active support of immigration restriction in the 1920s. But the decline of immigration helped undermine the labor movement as immigrants have consistently provided new ideas and propensity for direct action to the movement, often in opposition to the relatively conservative unionism of native-born Americans. SEIU’s open embrace of immigrants recognized that Latinos were likely to be very good unionists, in part because of traditions of social justice they experienced in their home nations. Ever since 1990, immigrants have played a larger role in the labor movement, especially with the last industrial-style unions seeking to hold on against the corporate onslaught against unions, such as SEIU and UNITE-HERE.

SEIU has named June 15 Justice for Janitors Day to commemorate the event.

This is the 146th post in this series. Previous posts are archived here.

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  • Note btw that this campaign was and is still a major inspiration for unions around the world, with similar tactics having been used by Dutch unions to organise and lead the janitors/cleaners as recently as the past decade: focus on achieving concrete results for all janitors regardless of union status, targeting highly visible companies to strike at like the Dutch railways and not just striking for higher wages, but also respect. The last was done by no longer banishing the cleaning to outside of office hours, but having cleaners work during those hours so as to be visible to the people they work for.

    • Ahuitzotl

      The last was done by no longer banishing the cleaning to outside of office hours, but having cleaners work during those hours so as to be visible to the people they work for.

      As a perrenial office worker, I’d observe that this is nice for (some of) the janitors, but it absolutely sucks for quite a few office staff, especially when it comes to vacuum cleaning large open-office or low-wall cube areas.

      • Brett

        Usually the Janitorial staff around here do the big cleaning at night, while cleaning up bathrooms and the like during the day periodically.

  • cpinva

    I was just thinking, this was similar to the trash collector’s strike, in Memphis in 1968, that drew dr. King to help support, when he was assassinated. I wonder if any “name” person will step up and support these people?

    • Phil Perspective

      Is Tom Morello and RATM a big enough name? Although I think they formed the year after this happened. I’m sure they would have supported the janitors, knowing their politics.

    • rea

      Harry at Crooked Timber probably doesn’t count as a big name, but he got beat up–he has the video.

  • DrDick

    Great piece, illustrating how this needs to be done.

  • Bruce Vail

    Justice for Janitors campaign will live forever in Washington DC legend for the protest where they used a human chain to block rush-hour traffic on the Theodore Roosevelt Bridge.

    Not without controversy within the labor movement, however. Even today, discussion of this tactic will elicit opposing opinionson its utility and effectiveness, even among militant union organizers.

  • JL

    Batons. Fucking batons. Most people, in my experience having slightly surreal and frustrating conversations about this, just don’t realize if they aren’t experienced themselves…they see less-lethal projectiles like rubber bullets as the worst and scariest (which is not unreasonable), then tear gas, then pepper spray, and then batons and fist/foot strikes lumped together at the bottom as ordinary sorts of things that might give you a bruise. It’s backwards, except for the rubber-bullets-and-similar part this common perception is totally backwards. I think people get so used to blunt-force attacks, punches to the face and so on, having minimal impact on movie heroes, that they just don’t think about the reality of blunt force impact, and certainly not the reality of something as hard and solid as a baton.

    I saw what batons could do fairly early in my street medic career. It isn’t pretty. It made, let’s say, a strong impression.

  • Hogan

    Slightly OT: the cert petition for Friedrichs v. California Teachers Association will be considered at the Supreme Court’s Thursday conference.

    Issue: (1) Whether Abood v. Detroit Bd. of Ed. should be overruled and public-sector “agency shop” arrangements invalidated under the First Amendment; and (2) whether it violates the First Amendment to require that public employees affirmatively object to subsidizing nonchargeable speech by public-sector unions, rather than requiring that employees affirmatively consent to subsidizing such speech.

  • dp

    The rare good day in labor history!

    • JL

      Well, good in that it was a win, for sure, but for the 90 wounded workers and however many close-up eyewitnesses – especially the seriously wounded ones like the worker with the fractured skull and the pregnant worker who lost her baby – an awful price to pay for the victory. The horror of what the police did to them should never be ignored in the narrative of the day, any more than we would ignore the casualties of D-Day.

  • Brett

    How did they avoid the Secondary Boycott restriction in Taft-Hartley if they were targeting the building owners rather than the janitor contractors? Did they just decide to take the risk and go for it anyways?

    • Bruce Vail

      Justice for Janitors has been active in DC and their campaigns there generally don’t create Secondary Boycott issues.

      A lot of the campaigning is aimed at creating public pressure, like the 1995 traffic blockade. Legal street demonstrations are a common tactic.

      The JfJ campaigners are not afraid of civil disobedience (as seen in the traffic blockade), when necessary.

    • Jono

      I was one of the original organizers in Los Angeles. Initially most of us didn’t have a clue what secondary even was but as we racked up the NLRB charges, we learned to be very creative about how to conduct our protests so as to tiptoe on the legal line. There were unquestionably times when we made conscious choices to cross but for the most part we found plenty of ways to protest the building owners who were really in charge without breaking the law.

      Here’s a link to an article I wrote with my colleague Stephen Lerner about some of the lessons we learned.

  • Jono

    As one of the original Justice for Janitors organizers in Los Angeles, I want to you for your thoughtful article. Here is a link to an article that Stephen Lerner and I wrote reflecting on the lessons from Century City.


    • Bruce Vail

      Happy Anniversary, Jono!

      I’d be curious about your judgements on the progress of the last 25 years for the LA janitors…

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