Home / General / This Day in Labor History: August 4, 1942

This Day in Labor History: August 4, 1942


On August 4, 1942, the United States and Mexico made an agreement to deliver contract Mexican labor to American farmers in order to serve as cheap replacement labor during World War II. While the Bracero Program helped fill the labor shortages, it also opened up a new era of Americans exploiting Mexican labor. The abuses associated with the Bracero Program helped lead to a number of social changes in the United States, including the Chicano Movement, the United Farm Workers, and the Immigration Act of 1965.

Mexican-Americans made up an important part of the agricultural labor force in the Southwest long before World War II. While most of the land the U.S. stole during the Mexican War was not densely inhabited, Mexicans in California, Texas, and especially New Mexico found themselves all of a sudden second-class citizens in their new nation. Agricultural labor was all many could find within the white supremacist economy of the 19th and early 20th centuries. Moreover, the upheaval of the Mexican Revolution sent waves of Mexicans across the U.S. border for the first time in the 1910s. That was great for American farmers who wanted to pay their labor as little as possible. It also gave them an alternative to the white labor that tended to join the I.W.W. and demand decent pay and living conditions.

But during the 1930s, as whites needed jobs, any job held by a non-white was seen as a betrayal of white supremacy. John Steinbeck may have movingly told the story of white migrants to the California fields in The Grapes of Wrath, but he almost totally leaves out the history of Mexican labor in those same fields. During the Great Depression, that labor was forcibly expelled from the Southwest. During the 1930s, over 500,000 Mexicans returned to Mexico, many by force, others by social pressures. Whites took their jobs.

But during World War II, what seemed like good social policy to many whites turned into a disaster because all of a sudden white people could make a lot more money than they could in the fields. So U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt and Mexican President Manuel Avila Camacho agreed to the Bracero Program. Essentially, this provided Mexican labor to American employers through short-term contracts. When the contract ended, the worker returned to Mexico. Crops are picked, America stays white. By 1945, about 125,000 Mexicans worked under Bracero contracts, not only in agriculture, but for the railroads.

Originally the program was to end in 1947 and the railroad program concluded upon the return of soldiers in 1945. But southwestern farmers, who, due to their power within their relevant states and long distances from the centers of national power, managed yet again to convince the otherwise pro-labor federal government of the New Deal era to facilitate their exploitation of workers (see their exemption from complying with the Wagner Act and the Fair Labor Standards Acts for other examples). By 1956, 456,000 Mexicans labored in the fields under Bracero contracts.

Under these contracts, workers effectively had no rights at all. Because they could be employed legally nowhere besides the fields, they worked in near slave conditions. Contracts were only in English and the Mexicans had no idea what they were signing. Wages were stolen, housing was substandard if even provided, food was terrible, and complaints resolved by sending workers back to Mexico.

Remembered Rigoberto Garcia Perez:

I went as a bracero four times, but I didn’t like it. We got on the train in Empalme, and went all the way to Mexicali, where we got on busses to the border. From there, they took us to El Centro. Thousands of men came every day. Once we got there, they’d send us in groups of two hundred, as naked as we came into the world, into a big room, about sixty feet square. Then men would come in in masks, with tanks on their backs, and they’d fumigate us from top to bottom. Supposedly we were flea-ridden, germ-ridden. No matter, they just did it.

Then quickly, they took a pint of blood from every man. Anyone who was sick wouldn’t pass. Then they’d send us into a huge bunk house, where the contractors would come from the growers associations in counties like San Joaquin County, Yolo , Sacramento, Fresno and so on. The heads of the associations would line us up. When they saw someone they didn’t like, they’d say, “You, no.” Others, they’d say, “You, stay.” Usually, they didn’t want people who were old — just young people. Strong ones, right? And I was young, so I never had problems getting chosen. We were hired in El Centro and given our contracts, usually for 45 days.

In Tracy I was with a crew from Juajuapa de Leon, in Oaxaca, and one of those boys died. Something he ate at dinner in the camp wasn’t any good. The kid got food poisoning, but what could we do? We were all worried because he’d died, and what happened to him could happen to any of us. They said they’d left soap on the plates, or something had happened with the dinner, because lots of others got diarrhea. I got diarrhea too. But this boy died.

It was these sorts of conditions, the everyday exploitation of Mexican labor, that helped motivate the Chicano rights movement in the United States. In Texas, the conditions were so awful, as white owners ruled their ranches as fiefdoms, that Mexico refused to send braceros to that state until 1947. The United Farm Workers built off the treatment of Mexican and Mexican-American labor like that Garcia Perez experienced to create its movement to improve working conditions in the fields.

The Bracero Program ended in 1964. Two things replaced it–the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965 that provided a legal pathway for immigrants from most of the world to enter the U.S. for the first time since 1924 (although for Mexicans obviously this was a more complex legacy) and the establishment of the Border Industrialization Program in 1965. BIP was intended to keep Mexican labor south of the Rio Grande by giving incentives to American companies to cross the river and use cheap Mexican labor. While capital fled to Mexico, neither increased legal immigration nor BIP came close to filling the employment needs of Mexicans driven from their traditional lands by a complex cluster of factors. Undocumented migration to the United States grew rapidly in coming decades. This new phase of immigration continued the history of exploitation of Mexican workers by American employers.

Finally, here is Cisco Houston’s version of Woody Guthrie’s “Deportee,” a song the great songwriter composed after the death of 28 braceros in a plane crash while being sent back to Mexico in 1948.

This is the 37th installment of this series. Earlier installments are archived here.

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  • Keaaukane

    Suddenly, the Tom Lehrer line about the Pharaohs importing Hebrew Braceros makes sense to me. Thank you.

    I’ve really enjoyed your Day in Labor history series. I hope you consider putting it in book form, or maybe some sort of atrocity of the day calender.

  • Vance Maverick

    For a long time I knew about braceros only from Ross MacDonald. (Not that he expressed particular attitudes toward them, or most of what he observed in California, but he did observe.) The term comes from the word for “arm”. Metonymy, I suppose, like “field hand”, but used as a mass noun, expressive of a certain dehumanization.

  • Joel Patterson

    This is a nice background to the movie with Orson Welles in it, “Man In The Shadows”

  • Joel Patterson

    Man In The Shadow

    and it is definitely worth a viewing. Welles script doctored it pretty good.

  • Desert Rat

    Worth noting that current Congressman Raul Grijalva (my Congressman, for which I am ever grateful) is the US-born son of braceros.

    Great series, Erik. I’ve learned a lot from it.

  • DrDick

    Interestingly, the bracero program would, at least indirectly, ultimately put hundreds of US Indians out of work. Up through the 1930s, most of the farm workers doing the harvesting in the Upper Midwest and the Pacific Northwest were Indians from the regions. By the 1950s and 1960s they were replaced by Mexican workers.

  • Murc

    Two things replaced it–the Immigration and Naturalization Act of 1965 that provided a legal pathway for immigrants from most of the world to enter the U.S. for the first time since 1924 (although for Mexicans obviously this was a more complex legacy)

    Can you define most of the world? I know a lot of Chinese, European Jews, and Russians immigrated here in the 30s, even in the midst of depression, for obvious reasons. My impression has always been that this was legal immigration, not even asylum seeking. For that matter I know a guy whose grandparents came here from Canada and France respectively in the 30s, as far as I know quite legally.

    • See here. The 1924 immigration act established quotas by nationality, which were especially strict for southern and central/eastern Europeans (and Jews). More refugees went to western Europe and South America than to the US. Those quotas were in effect until the 1965 act.

      • Murc

        ah, okay. Most of what I know about immigration is pre-World War I or post-1965. What I know about the intervening years is a weird gap in my knowledge.

        The phrasing made it sound like from ’24 to ’65 it just flat out wasn’t legal to come here period.

    • Informant

      I know a lot of Chinese, European Jews, and Russians immigrated here in the 30s, even in the midst of depression, for obvious reasons.

      If you know people of Chinese ancestry who arrived here in the 1930s, they’re very unusual. Immigration from China to the US was almost completely barred from 1924 to 1943:

  • Lara

    If anyone has Spanish-speaking students who would like to do research on the Bracero Project, the Bracero Archive is a great resource. In particular, there are some amazing interviews with former participants in the program, which are available for download as mp3s.

  • JoyfulA

    Thanks for the details behind “Deportee.” It’s one of my husband’s favorite songs, so I hear it a lot and have never understood more than the vague outlines of the “plot.”

  • Kathleen

    I lived in Stockton, California in the heart of the San Joaquin valley from 1959 to 1961. Edward R. Murrow featured the city of Stockton and the braceos’ appalling working and living conditions in his documentary Harvest of Shame.

  • Sly

    The history of the bracero program also intersects in interesting ways with the career of Lyndon Johnson, who made his start as a teacher of migrant workers in Cotulla, TX (and felt some real obligations toward them) but depended upon the political clout of Texas growers for his electoral success.

    So its not exactly surprising that the program ended under his “watch” and was replaced with a system that was only marginally superior.

  • Dorothy

    Living in Phoenix, AZ, I find this especially interesting. It is part of the history about migrants I never knew, and probably a fact that will be kept from all the children who want to know about Mexican ethnic studies but are now barred by state law from ever knowing.

    Very well done. Let us keep the history liars on the run.

  • Ohio Mom

    Calvin Trillin occasionally mentions the 1965 immigration in his writing on food. He credits the law with the rise of ethnic food restaurants, and that’s always made sense to me.

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