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Attack Ad on Elizabeth Warren

[ 37 ] November 15, 2011 | Erik Loomis

So I saw this political ad yesterday while eating my morning bagel:

This is produced by Karl Rove’s Crossroads GPS, connecting Elizabeth Warren to the “extreme left protests” and “violence” of the Occupy Wall Street movement.

This is an interesting but potentially dangerous game Rove’s hacks are playing here. They severely underestimate the popularity of Occupy Wall Street, especially in a state like Massachusetts. This kind of ad could really backfire and make people more sympathetic to Warren. On the other hand, it is possible that a cleavage in the public mind could develop between the principles of OWS and the actual people out there protesting. I definitely don’t think that has happened yet, but the response to this disgusting ad may tell us a lot about the contours of the 2012 campaign season.

Eviction

[ 113 ] November 15, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Like Yglesias, I pretty much believe that being evicted from Zuccotti Park is about the best thing that could happen to the Occupy Wall Street movement. Let’s face it, they had not succeeded in the last couple of weeks in retaining the media’s attention. The movement was beginning to seem stagnant to a larger public. Eviction gives them new life, regains the media’s attention, and the, to use a Marxist term, heightens the contradictions. This is important–there’s a concrete reason Martin Luther King chose Birmingham as the spot for the 1963 campaign. In 1962, the movement tried to desegregate Albany, Georgia. The sheriff there, Laurie Pritchett, killed them with kindness, arrested thousands but never using violence and never giving the media any reason to report. Pretty quickly, the news cameras left and the civil rights movement withdrew in defeat. King specifically chose Birmingham because of the violence he knew Bull Connor would unleash. It was a great success.

The clear strategy in response for OWS is to keep reestablishing the tent towns, forcing the cities to continue responding, burning money and political capital to do so, potentially creating situations of police brutality. But this also begs another question–is this movement becoming more about occupying space than a progressive upheaval? I think the lack of concrete goals really plagues the movement here–because they aren’t asking for anything specific, at what point do they leave? Because there has to be some kind of end point to this. No city is going to allow this to continue for 2 or 3 years. Nor should they.

The worst case scenario here is that Occupy Wall Street ends up being the 2011 version of Mexico City’s UNAM protests in 1999-2000. These protests started in response to the creation of tuition at the nation’s most prestigious university. While it was only intended to apply to those who could afford it, it threatened to limit the poor’s access to higher education. It also tapped into general discontent over the neoliberal reforms overturning the gains of the Mexican Revolution. The government backed down on the tuition, but then a large group of protestors stuck around as part of a movement not dissimilar to OWS–anger at globalization, economic inequality, and rapid changes in Mexico that were hurting the poor. They didn’t have any concrete goals at this point either other than to spark political upheaval in the name of change. And while noble enough, the protestors also quickly wore out the patience of the Mexican middle class, not to mention the government. When the military finally dispersed the encampment after 10 months, not a lot of Mexicans were too sad to see it go.

The encampment needs to be a strategy, not an end in itself.

Song of the 99%

[ 43 ] November 14, 2011 | Erik Loomis

The great James McMurtry offers his song “We Can’t Make It Here” as a free download in support of the Occupy movement. Says McMurtry:

We quit playing “We Can’t Make It Here” for a year or two. We’re playing it again because it seems to still be relevant, and that pretty much sucks for everybody but us. I know the song is still relevant because people are camped out along Wall Street and in front of City Halls around the country and around the globe, demanding a solution to the problems I tried to give light to when I put my song out seven years ago. They are mixed in age and economic status. Some are young and idealistic. Some are old enough to have had their ideals trampled upon a time or two. My son goes to school in the New York area and some of his friends have been involved in the protests. One was detained for nine hours without charge. This is not supposed to happen in our supposedly civilized nation. These people are getting roughed up, but the press only seems to notice when a victim of police brutality happens to be an Iraq war veteran. I’m guessing there are a good many vets in the crowd and the poor fellow in Oakland won’t be the only one hurt. I suppose the cops think the protesters are breaking the law. Seems to me, the Bill of Rights guarantees the right to peaceful assembly. Meanwhile, the one percent, safely ensconced in the tall glass towers, does not have to break the law, because they get to write the law. I thought it was supposed to be the other way around, in a democracy. I think maybe my fourth grade teacher lied to me.

It’s a great song (and on a great album which you should buy) on its own merits, but it also could serve as the theme song for the 99%.

Latinos Revitalizing the Great Plains

[ 16 ] November 14, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Pretty good Times piece on the rapidly growing Latino populations in the Great Plains. Of course, a lot of the local whites are outraged. On the other hand, their towns are literally dying. Latinos are bringing them back to life. The Times piece only references in passing why Latinos are migrating to these particular places–hard, dangerous jobs, particularly in meatpacking, petroleum, and ranching. The first two are the real growth generators. The meatpackers moved out here in part to escape unions and have recruited immigrant labor as low-wage replacements. The petroleum industry of course follows the resources and is currently spurring population growth across the western plains, from North Dakota to Kansas. What the article does mention is the desire for rural living among people who came from small towns in Mexico and Central America, which is interesting.

The Ph.D.

[ 132 ] November 13, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Larry Cebula offers an argument we hear frequently: that no one should go on for a Ph.D. because there aren’t jobs. Cebula covers the basic points: delayed income earnings that will never pay off, massive debt, living in horrible parts of the country, etc.

It’s hard to argue against him. Like Paul’s many excellent posts on the problems with law schools that you have read here over the last few months, which I am going to force any student of mine who wants a letter for law school to read in exchange for the letter, it is probably a very bad idea to go for a Ph.D. in history.

But I hesitate a bit. I am a graduate of the University of New Mexico. This is not an elite institution. It is marginally a top-50 Ph.D. program. It has strengths in certain areas (Latin America, U.S. West, U.S.-Mexico borderlands) but you wouldn’t want to go there for anything else. Theoretically, it should be really hard to get a job with a UNM Ph.D.

However, every single person I know who was a serious student at UNM and who wanted to go into academia has a job. Every single one. Without exception (at least on the U.S. side of things). Almost all of these are tenure-track jobs with a few newer scholars presently in very fine visiting positions. And I know people from several other less-than-elite institutions who are doing very well for themselves too (Arizona, UNLV, and Nebraska come to mind). Those who chose to do something else other than academia have also succeeded in their chosen fields. So what’s the deal with this?

Just thinking out loud here because I’m almost positive no one has done any studies on this, I am wondering if there are not certain Ph.D. programs that are preparing people for the realities of the modern market more effectively than more traditionally elite programs. You might need that Yale Ph.D. to get that job at Brown or Vassar, but that’s not a lot of jobs. And people coming out of New Mexico, who have been forced to engage in public history just to pay their way through the last years of graduate school (I did historic preservation work at Los Alamos National Laboratory), probably aren’t going to get that Brown job. But we are getting positions of quality, including myself.

I don’t mean this to brag on my Ph.D. program (well, maybe a little bit). I do indeed think it’s a terrible idea to go get the Ph.D. in 2011, wherever it may be. But I’m also wondering if there are not better ways to train historians (and presumably students in other disciplines) that will make them more competitive on the job market as it now stands. Because I don’t think just writing a great dissertation and having letters from big-name professors and a big fellowship is enough anymore. I think you need to have real teaching experience, be able to teach online, have experiences that will resonate with the average undergraduate at your directional state school. You need to be flexible, do a lot of different things, and prepare for a world outside the academy. You’ll probably need those skills because you probably aren’t getting that academic job.

On the other hand, those very skills that have prepared you to do something else may also separate you from the pack in a traditional academic job search, as they have with me three times, and as they did with other people I know. In my case, that meant blogging, creating historical markers, doing some consulting work, etc.

No conclusions here, just some random thoughts. I’m not saying that less elite programs are by and large placing students at a greater rate than more elite schools. That’s probably not the case. I will say though that any Ph.D. students needs to be as flexible and multifaceted as possible and I’m not sure that traditionally elite Ph.D. programs are prepared to train their students in this way.

…..To ground this in a bit more hard evidence, 4 UNM Ph.D’s received tenure-track jobs in last year’s job cycle. That is more than some much higher ranked departments have placed in the last 5 years combined.

…..Roger Whitson has a really intelligent reply to Cebula, with specific recommendations to both graduate students and departments on ways to improve job prospects outside of the collapsing tenure-track market.

Unpaid Internships

[ 28 ] November 12, 2011 | Erik Loomis

I really hope this class-action lawsuit filed by former unpaid interns over the exploitative nature of their internships at Fox Searchlight Pictures succeeds. The rise of unpaid internships has been one of the worst changes in the American employment market in recent years. Not only does it create incentives for companies to recast formerly entry-level jobs as unpaid labor, but it also means that in fields where unpaid internships have become necessary to advance, that only the wealthy can play ball since middle-class kids don’t have the financial support from parents to make this possible.

Waaahhh!!

[ 27 ] November 12, 2011 | Erik Loomis

It’s always been my position that the Times needs to run more articles explaining to us the hard lives of the Manhattan rich. Now it turns out they have to pay taxes on their amazing multi-million dollar apartments? What’s next, a ban on fur coats?

Bloomquist

[ 18 ] November 11, 2011 | Erik Loomis

The fact that the Arizona Diamondbacks and agent Scott Boras got into a public spat over the impeding free agency of Willie Bloomquist is, to say the least, the most absurd thing I’ve heard all day.

Luckily for Bloomquist, the Diamondbacks bought Boras’ high-end crack and resigned Bloomquist to a 2 year-$3.8 million dollar deal. It’s really hard to see how they could have spent that money otherwise….

This Day in Labor History: November 11, 1919

[ 26 ] November 11, 2011 | Erik Loomis

On November 11, 1919, the people of Centralia, Washington, a small lumber town in the southwestern part of the state, celebrated the first anniversary of Armistice Day with a parade. However, town leaders and the local American Legion post decided to turn the parade into an attack upon Centralia’s Industrial Workers of the World (I.W.W.) union hall, which they considered the center of subversion and sedition in their community. When the Legion reached the hall, they broke in and began tearing the place apart. What they did not expect was that the radical loggers had prepared an ambush. The I.W.W. had stationed at least two shooters on a hill approximately ¼ mile away. In addition, some of the workers in the hall had weapons. In the hail of bullets, four American Legion members died. Warren Grimm, a University of Washington graduate and lawyer, had not only fought in World War I, but had also served in the military’s anti-Bolshevik force in Siberia before returning to his home town of Centralia. Arthur McElfresh had spent eighteen months in the army in France. The third dead Legionnaire was Ben Casagranda, a Greek-American who went to war for his new nation. The fourth was another University of Washington graduate and member of the Centralia elite, Dale Hubbard.

Infuriated, the Legionnaires chased a man they thought was Britt Smith, the local I.W.W. secretary, but who in fact was Wesley Everest, an itinerant logger and I.W.W. member. They beat him severely and threw him into a prison cell with other Wobblies they had rounded up. That evening, still incensed, local men took Everest from his jail cell, possibly castrated him, and hanged him from a bridge on the Chehalis River. Trials quickly ensued for a dozen other I.W.W. members. A jury found eight guilty of second-degree murder, and they received sentences ranging from twenty-five to forty years at the Washington State Prison in Walla Walla. The I.W.W. claimed that the timber industry, the American Legion, and local authorities had railroaded the eight men into prison; and their cause served as a rallying cry for an increasingly marginalized I.W.W. over the next twenty years.

Violence in this little lumber town took place as forces of order battled against radicalized loggers over control of the timber industry. Throughout the first two decades of the 20th century, timber companies treated their workers like animals. Conditions in the timber camps were horrific conditions. Loggers dealt with adulterated food, fleas and other vermin in their overcrowded housing, straw for bedding, the smell of disgusting wet socks drying near the bunkhouse’s one heater, latrines located directly next to the dining hall so that they could smell feces when they sat down to eat, etc. They were paid next to nothing for their work and frequently ripped off by a collusion of timber operators and employment agencies who would force men to pay for jobs and then the job not be there when they arrived. These men also lived in all-male spaces, completely isolated from women in their remote camps. Thus, when men could get to town, the first thing they headed for was to purchase the services of a prostitute. They could not live with dignity either in the camps or when they returned to society. In desperation, and with the American Federation of Labor showing almost no interest in organizing these workers, they turned to the I.W.W.

Maybe I’m not being explicit enough. Let me clarify. In 1916, Red Cross doctor W.H. Lipscomb took a tour of Northwestern timber camps. He was outraged by all I mentioned in the previous paragraph. He mentioned one camp. It had bunkhouses that held approximately 80 men. Those 80 men had one sink in the bunkhouse. The company provided one towel for those 80 men. A new man came into camp. He was infected with gonorrhea. He used the towel to wipe places he shouldn’t. The bunkhouse witnessed an epidemic of gonorrhea among the men. In their eyes.

So you can see why workers would join a radical organization like the I.W.W. But the Wobblies were hated by the timber industry and local authorities. We have seen how the Everett police responded to the I.W.W. with murderous violence. They were not alone. A year before, in 1918, Centralia residents had destroyed the local I.W.W. hall. They figured they could do so again. Little did they know that the union would set up shooters on the hills surrounding the town and arm some of the men inside.

The I.W.W. was on the decline even before Centralia. The logging strike of 1917 had forced the government’s hand to intervene in the timber industry because it needed spruce and fir to build airplanes for World War I. The government sent in the military. Rather than operate strictly as strikebreakers, the military chose to mediate the situation. It forced timber operators to improve the camp conditions and give the military rights to inspect them. No improvements=no soldiers to log and no government contracts. In return, it created a paramilitary loggers’ organization and forced loggers to join it and renounced the I.W.W. in order to work. Most did, particularly since the government was providing them the safe working and living environments loggers were fighting for. Some refused of course, including the men still fighting to organize loggers in Centralia.

The Centralia Massacre was not the final blow for the I.W.W. in the United States, but it was close. The official repression of the Red Scare combined with organized violence against the union to make it all but irrelevant. It did retain a small presence in the Northwestern woods through the 1920s and even into the late 30s, though the successful unionization of loggers in the CIO and AFL after 1935 made the organization pointless. Still, loggers in 1919 and 1939 showed a great deal of respect for all the I.W.W. had done for them.

Mentioning the Centralia Massacre quickly became totally unacceptable in the community. Literally none of the participants on the Legion side ever told their story. They all took it to the grave with them. At some point, I think sometime in the 80s, Centralia residents commissioned a bunch of murals for their town representing their history. There are lots of scenes of white people settling the land, but nothing on Centralia. The labor hall in town put up its own mural, though it is kind of hard to see from the road because it is on the second floor. You have to know where to look.

Previous editions of this series have covered the creation of the CIO in 1935 and the Great Railroad Strike of 1877.

Keystone XL Pipeline Victory

[ 51 ] November 10, 2011 | Erik Loomis

I think every environmentalist is ecstatic to see the Obama Administration pull back on approving the Keystone XL pipeline, ordering it back into review at the State Department. Essentially, the pressure from environmentalists (and from factions within the Occupy movement, which helped publicize this) became too great. The key issue was that the pipeline was slated to go through the Sand Hills of Nebraska, a unique ecosystem. Bill McKibben says that this basically kills the pipeline. While that sounds optimistic to me, no one knows about these issues than McKibben, so I’ll take his word that this is a gigantic victory against environmental degradation and against dirty energy.

Reduce, Reuse, Recycle

[ 81 ] November 10, 2011 | Erik Loomis

That was the mantra of the environmental movement in the 1970s and 1980s when we as a nation learned not to litter and that we shouldn’t throw everything away. Of course, we still aren’t very good at it (and see Coca-Cola vetoing the National Park Service’s decision to ban disposable water bottles in the Grand Canyon for evidence).

Out of these three options, we’ve chosen the latter. Reduce, please. We’re Americans. We don’t fucking reduce. Reuse, what a pain.

So we recycle. It’s great. I can put my cans and bottles in a green box, put it out with the trash, never have to think about it again, and I can feel great about myself.

But what happens after the nice people take away your recycling?

Saint-Gobain Containers is hardly a household name in Seattle. But its hulking plant on West Marginal Way, in the heart of the Duwamish industrial area, is a key link in the regional recycling chain: It turns used glass into new bottles. The company bills itself as a “world leader” in protecting the environment and declares itself “committed to a sustainable future for not only our business – but the planet.” It is the largest maker of wine bottles in the United States.

But Paris-based Saint-Gobain, which operates the Duwamish plant under its Verallia brand, can claim another distinction: It has racked up more fines for violating the federal Clean Air Act than any other operation in the Northwest — $962,000 in the last five years, according to government records.

Oh.

This is not the only case either. The recycling industry has a very dark side. If you haven’t seen Jennifer Baichwal’s Manufactured Landscapes, I highly recommend it. The film follows the photographer Edward Burtynsky on his trip to China. Burtynsky is noted for his beautiful photos of deeply polluted landscapes. One of the most powerful scenes in the film is a visit to a village that works on recycling computers. Basically, they are hammering old computers to get out the valuable compounds that can be resold. But not only do the villagers breathe in toxic dust, but the water and soil is contaminated with heavy metals. And it’s not like these workers are paid well.

Recycling is theoretically a good thing, but it should be the least important of the three consumption-reduction strategies. Since we aren’t going to reduce, we need to commit to reuse. Ideally, grocery stores would have giant containers of products (ketchup for instance) that you could put your bottle under and squirt it in. Basically, everything should be in bulk and you would have to reuse containers. Of course, this would disrupt the plastic bottle industry and cause headaches for grocery store conglomerates, so it will never happen. But the current system of recycling is broken and we need to brainstorm solutions.

Sherman

[ 70 ] November 10, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Count me as one who is quite glad that William Tecumseh Sherman sufficiently recovered from his severe depression to burn Georgia and South Carolina.

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