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Hamilton Bio-Pic?

[ 164 ] November 17, 2011 | Erik Loomis

There’s a been a bit of buzz across the blogosphere in the last 24 hours supporting Hendrik Hertzberg’s call for an Alexander Hamilton movie.

Of all the Founders’ lives, Hamilton’s was the most garishly cinematic. Consider these elements: born in the West Indies (the film could open with a sweeping aerial shot of palm trees and blue water); spends his childhood among black people; is reared in struggling, humble circumstances; attends a Jewish school after the Church of England school denies him admission because of his illegitimate birth; orphaned at around twelve when his mother dies; is so impressive a youth that funds are raised to send him to the northern mainland to further his education; studies at Kings College (now Columbia); becomes a student revolutionary pamphleteer and, at twenty, a revolutionary soldier; rises to be George Washington’s most trusted aide de camp, almost like a son to the childless general; hurts Washington’s feelings by leaving his staff to seek, and find, battlefield glory; friend of Lafayette; incredibly handsome, dashing, and charming; successful and imaginative politician; writes call for Constitutional Convention; still in his mid-thirties, is made President Washington’s secretary of the treasury and ghosts his farewell address; mired in spectacular sex scandal, foils cuckolded husband’s blackmail by making full disclosure; maneuvers to stop Adams’s election as President but is appointed by Adams to command the army anyway; jousts with Jefferson; back in New York, still in his forties, founds the Evening Post; the duel; the fatal wound; the deathbed farewells.

How can this miss?

How can it miss? Pretty bloody easily!

Most bio-pics are not good movies. You could probably make a mediocre film about Hamilton fairly easily, but something good? Bio-pics are hamstrung by the need to justify the film through telling a semi-mythological tale about a beloved figure but having to follow the sometimes less than cinematic realities of a person’s life. You can make a popular movie about someone where the world has truly bought into the myth, but that doesn’t make the film very good. I particularly note “I Walk the Line” here, which both bought into the post-Rick Rubin veneration of Cash into something almost otherworldly and fabricated a story about him that fit the guidelines of a sweeping Hollywood movie. June might have indeed saved Johnny in the end, but he was a total asshole to her for most of their relationship. Among the many things the film leaves out is his relapse into drug abuse that nearly destroyed their relationship in the late 60s and 70s. Doesn’t fit the narrative. Not to mention the 25 years of consistently horrible albums between about 1968 and 1993.

You might say I am nitpicking, but that’s precisely the point. I know and care enough about Cash and country music to want a legitimate bio-pic about him, not the sanitized narrative that we were presented. Same goes for the Muhammad Ali picture. “When We Were Kings” was far more interesting and enlightening about Ali. The Harvey Milk movie was better, but that’s largely because Milk’s life was pretty cinematic, especially his assassination and what he represented to millions of people. Sean Penn never hurts either.

You might also say that Alexander Hamilton is different because he doesn’t have the same 20th century baggage of visual memories that we project on bio-pics (I found the complaints that Anthony Hopkins didn’t look like Richard Nixon annoying, if we are looking for an imitation, we really cut into the number of actors we can hire for these parts). True, but we also create mythical baggage of our past leaders, including and especially the Founding Fathers. We want them to tell us specific stories about ourselves, our past, and our nation. That Hamilton is somewhat less known to the general public than Jefferson, Washington, or Adams actually could help such a film. What precisely is that story that needs to be told from Hamilton’s life? The lack of an obvious answer makes me more curious about such a project’s potential.

And just what are the fine films about American leaders in the century of American film? The best is probably “Young Mr. Lincoln”, but that’s the kind of exercise in pure populist mythology that would be really hard to pull off anymore. I didn’t see the John Adams thing but I know people liked it. “1776?”

It’s just easier and usually makes for better films to create people out of your imagination to tell the stories you think need to be told. Real lives don’t often translate well onto the screen without a lot of problems arising.

On top of all of this, to include everything Hertzberg lists would make the film about 6 hours long or way too rushed. So maybe a Hamilton mini-series might be semi-interesting. Hard to see a successful feature film though.

Technological Perspective on OWS

[ 23 ] November 17, 2011 | Erik Loomis

I gave an interview to a newspaper journalist the other day who wanted some information about Occupy Wall Street in the context of the history of American social movements. One question she asked was about how technology makes this movement different. And it struck me that while this movement is rightfully being lauded for its sophisticated use of technology, it’s also something we shouldn’t say is SO different from the past. Given Americans’ fetishization of technology, it’s hardly surprising that we talk about Twitter and YouTube as transformative technological achievements that separate our current organizing practices from those in the past. And of course, the internet is transformative, but it’s also worth noting that previous organizing movements also created incredibly sophisticated technological strategies using the available tools. Twitter allows one to get word of current events around the world in real time, but this isn’t that new; we’ve been shrinking space and time ever since the steamship. To take the I.W.W. as an example, these people used created tremendously effective propaganda using art, pamphlets, and songs and spread them across the country and world really quite quickly thanks to their strategies of organizing through the use of train-hopping. The telegraph and telephone still meant that people found out about information pretty much right away and while big technologies like television might mean that people mostly received versions of stories by the 1950s, the plethora of newspapers from all different perspectives allowed interested parties to receive a great deal of information very quickly.

This isn’t to discount the value of Twitter in organizing at all, but rather to say that it is part of a technological continuum, not a complete transformation of what our less advanced organizing ancestors were doing 10 years ago or 100 years ago.

Senate

[ 38 ] November 17, 2011 | Erik Loomis

This Times piece on Republican Senate candidates floundering seems awfully hopeful to me, but given that the Republicans blew three pickup opportunities in 2010 thanks to nominating extremist candidates (DE, CO, NV) and that these mistakes cost them control of the Senate, such optimism is possible. While I think a reasonably not insane Republican would have a real chance at many of these seats, nominating a hard core Tea Party person would I think backfire in a nation that seems to be backing away from right-wing extremism in the last months. Claire McCaskill is the perfect example–against a mainstream Republican in a bad economy might tank her, but Missouri is enough of a swing state that a Tea Partier may well come up short.

Blackface

[ 71 ] November 16, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Great to know that the hilarity of blackface remains popular at some of our nation’s finer sororities and fraternities!

And I thought we lived in a post-racial society!

In all seriousness, this brings up a couple of more substantial points. First, it’s not like kids haven’t seen blackface on Saturday Night Live before. At least in some of the political impersonations. Because, after all, the idea of SNL having more than 1 or maybe 2 black people would be shocking. Two, this wasn’t your old-school blackface but rather a Cosby Show themed thing.

On the other hand, it was my experience when living in Tennessee and being in a few gatherings with recently graduated greeks that racist jokes were still told and laughed at. These women might not have known the history of blackface in America, but I’ll be damned if they thought it was an innocent act. In Hattiesburg, Mississippi? No. Our continued unwillingness to have serious conversations about race and history in this country creates odd scenarios like this.

Of course, it might help if eliminated the entire greek system. Talk about a movement I could get behind.

“Religious Liberty”–A Slogan of Defeat

[ 27 ] November 16, 2011 | Erik Loomis

The Catholic Church has taken up a new strategy to fight against abortion and gay rights–talking about “religious liberty” to reject equal rights for gays and the right of women to control their own bodies.

I would say that whenever an institution is forced from the support of direct oppression to taking on the mantra of being oppressed, it’s a sign of victory for progressive forces. It doesn’t mean the victory will be complete–white homeowners used this very language in the 1960s and 1970s to protect their neighborhoods and schools from integration. But even in this case, this move was a significant response to just how much the civil rights movement had accomplished.

While I am less confident about the long-term availability of legal abortion in this country, the Catholic bishops are clearly being routed on gay marriage. I’d expect to see more of this language, talking about how not encouraging kids to beat up gay kids impinges upon their free speech.

Civilian Works Administration

[ 23 ] November 16, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Jason Scott Smith gives us a primer of how the federal government once created a huge number of jobs in a short time and suggests the potential for this again.

Can’t Make This Stuff Up

[ 57 ] November 15, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Jerry Sandusky’s lawyer–also a seducer of children!

The lawyer for accused child molester Jerry Sandusky apparently likes his women young.

Defense attorney Joe Amendola, 63, representing Sandusky in the sexual molestation case roiling Penn State and Joe Paterno’s legendary football program, impregnated a teenager and later married her, The Daily has learned.

According to documents filed with Centre County Courthouse, Amendola served as the attorney for Mary Iavasile’s emancipation petition on Sept. 3, 1996, just weeks before her 17th birthday.

Amendola was 49 at the time.

Maybe that’s why Sandusky went on TV last night to defend himself–his lawyer has convinced him that sex with children is not actually a crime!

Enforcing Environmental Regulations

[ 7 ] November 15, 2011 | Erik Loomis

While the nation plunges ahead with fracking, it’s worth reminding ourselves of the inconsistent enforcement of existing environmental regulations. That so much of the enforcement resides with the states combines with the fact that industry insiders hold a tremendous number of regulatory positions to make real enforcement unlikely. New Mexico’s enforcement is almost nonexistent, which I would guess is because Governor Susana Martinez, upon whom sits my money for the Republican VP nomination, is about as anti-green as you can get.

The Bonus Army

[ 27 ] November 15, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Speaking of protest marches, NPR has a good little piece on the Bonus Army, which occupied Washington, D.C. in the summer of 1932. These protestors had a very concrete goal–the payment of their promised pensions when they really needed it. Which was right then, the peak of the Depression. Herbert Hoover and Douglas MacArthur destroyed the tent town with a maximum of force, showing how out of touch Hoover was with average Americans (something you’d think Bloomberg would pay attention to here), and helping to lead to Roosevelt’s election that fall. The piece claims that the Bonus Army experience led to the creation of the GI Bill after World War II. I don’t know how true that is, but certainly the article doesn’t provide any real evidence for it. Could be true though. Anyway, the Bonus Army is an interesting historical comparison to Occupy Wall Street with some lessons to learn for both sides.

Attack Ad on Elizabeth Warren

[ 37 ] November 15, 2011 | Erik Loomis

So I saw this political ad yesterday while eating my morning bagel:

This is produced by Karl Rove’s Crossroads GPS, connecting Elizabeth Warren to the “extreme left protests” and “violence” of the Occupy Wall Street movement.

This is an interesting but potentially dangerous game Rove’s hacks are playing here. They severely underestimate the popularity of Occupy Wall Street, especially in a state like Massachusetts. This kind of ad could really backfire and make people more sympathetic to Warren. On the other hand, it is possible that a cleavage in the public mind could develop between the principles of OWS and the actual people out there protesting. I definitely don’t think that has happened yet, but the response to this disgusting ad may tell us a lot about the contours of the 2012 campaign season.

Eviction

[ 113 ] November 15, 2011 | Erik Loomis

Like Yglesias, I pretty much believe that being evicted from Zuccotti Park is about the best thing that could happen to the Occupy Wall Street movement. Let’s face it, they had not succeeded in the last couple of weeks in retaining the media’s attention. The movement was beginning to seem stagnant to a larger public. Eviction gives them new life, regains the media’s attention, and the, to use a Marxist term, heightens the contradictions. This is important–there’s a concrete reason Martin Luther King chose Birmingham as the spot for the 1963 campaign. In 1962, the movement tried to desegregate Albany, Georgia. The sheriff there, Laurie Pritchett, killed them with kindness, arrested thousands but never using violence and never giving the media any reason to report. Pretty quickly, the news cameras left and the civil rights movement withdrew in defeat. King specifically chose Birmingham because of the violence he knew Bull Connor would unleash. It was a great success.

The clear strategy in response for OWS is to keep reestablishing the tent towns, forcing the cities to continue responding, burning money and political capital to do so, potentially creating situations of police brutality. But this also begs another question–is this movement becoming more about occupying space than a progressive upheaval? I think the lack of concrete goals really plagues the movement here–because they aren’t asking for anything specific, at what point do they leave? Because there has to be some kind of end point to this. No city is going to allow this to continue for 2 or 3 years. Nor should they.

The worst case scenario here is that Occupy Wall Street ends up being the 2011 version of Mexico City’s UNAM protests in 1999-2000. These protests started in response to the creation of tuition at the nation’s most prestigious university. While it was only intended to apply to those who could afford it, it threatened to limit the poor’s access to higher education. It also tapped into general discontent over the neoliberal reforms overturning the gains of the Mexican Revolution. The government backed down on the tuition, but then a large group of protestors stuck around as part of a movement not dissimilar to OWS–anger at globalization, economic inequality, and rapid changes in Mexico that were hurting the poor. They didn’t have any concrete goals at this point either other than to spark political upheaval in the name of change. And while noble enough, the protestors also quickly wore out the patience of the Mexican middle class, not to mention the government. When the military finally dispersed the encampment after 10 months, not a lot of Mexicans were too sad to see it go.

The encampment needs to be a strategy, not an end in itself.

Song of the 99%

[ 43 ] November 14, 2011 | Erik Loomis

The great James McMurtry offers his song “We Can’t Make It Here” as a free download in support of the Occupy movement. Says McMurtry:

We quit playing “We Can’t Make It Here” for a year or two. We’re playing it again because it seems to still be relevant, and that pretty much sucks for everybody but us. I know the song is still relevant because people are camped out along Wall Street and in front of City Halls around the country and around the globe, demanding a solution to the problems I tried to give light to when I put my song out seven years ago. They are mixed in age and economic status. Some are young and idealistic. Some are old enough to have had their ideals trampled upon a time or two. My son goes to school in the New York area and some of his friends have been involved in the protests. One was detained for nine hours without charge. This is not supposed to happen in our supposedly civilized nation. These people are getting roughed up, but the press only seems to notice when a victim of police brutality happens to be an Iraq war veteran. I’m guessing there are a good many vets in the crowd and the poor fellow in Oakland won’t be the only one hurt. I suppose the cops think the protesters are breaking the law. Seems to me, the Bill of Rights guarantees the right to peaceful assembly. Meanwhile, the one percent, safely ensconced in the tall glass towers, does not have to break the law, because they get to write the law. I thought it was supposed to be the other way around, in a democracy. I think maybe my fourth grade teacher lied to me.

It’s a great song (and on a great album which you should buy) on its own merits, but it also could serve as the theme song for the 99%.

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