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This Day in Labor History: December 28, 1869

[ 25 ] December 28, 2011 |

On this date in 1869, the Knights of Labor were founded in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. The organization grew slowly, but by the late 1870s, the Knights had become the nation’s largest labor union, remaining so until 1886.

Labor was at a crossroads in post-Civil War America. The Civil War helped spur the growth of large factories and capitalists like John D. Rockefeller began expanding their economic reach into what became the monopoly capitalism of the Gilded Age. Workers found the ground caving under their feet. Working-class people began criticizing the new economic system, but it took several decades for modern radicalism to become a common response for the working classes. All sorts of ideas were floated out there. Henry George had his single tax. Edward Bellamy wrote Looking Backwards and Americans were deeply taken with the work.

As Leon Fink notes in his classic treatise on the Knights of Labor, Workingmen’s Democracy, labor was not in 1869 nor in 1885 at a point where revolutionary consciousness was really on the table for most workers. They were essentially pre-Marxist critics of the growing wage labor system. They rejected that system, but also called for the operation of “natural law” in the marketplace and did not reject the idea of profit. They believed in an idea of balance between employer and employee, but recognized that this balance had been thrown out of whack by the massive aggregation of capital into the hands of the few. These were people who had come of age during the Civil War and the rhetoric of slavery was strong with them. So terms like “wage slavery,” which the South had used effectively to critique northern labor relations in the 1850s, meant a lot to working people in the early Gilded Age. They felt they had become involuntary servants to wage labor and thus the system needed to be abolished like African slavery during the war.

This does not mean that Knights were not radical for their time. Fink makes a strong case that they indeed were radical in their own terms, rejecting the fundamental economic relationship of their time for a vision of the “nobility of toil” and a respectable working-class life that encompassed everyone who “worked” in their view–which was basically all but bankers, speculators, lawyers, liquor dealers, and gamblers. These were the groups feeding off the blood of the working man either financially or morally. Capitalism itself meant not a system of economic gain based upon profit, but the systematic exploitation of working-class people. Which meant that you could be a business owner and be a workingman if you treated your labor with respect.

The Knights were essentially a working-class fraternal organization in its first years. But in 1879, Terence Powderly took over the organization. The mayor of Scranton, Pennsylvania, Powderly was as unclear as many workers on how labor should fight the growth of monopoly capitalism. He opposed strikes, even though he did occasionally engage in them as the Knights grew. He was however a superb organizer and could keep this unwieldly organization alive in the first years of its rapid growth, though his actual authority over what chartered locals did was very limited.

Powderly eschewed electoral politics despite his own history, noting the failure of the Greenback-Labor party in the late 1870s and the extreme corruption of Gilded Age life. This led Powderly and other Knights leaders to believe that electoral politics was a dead-end for the working class. But the huge growth of the Knights after the Panic of 1883 led to a rethinking of this idea precisely because the organization grew so large that many wondered if it could take over American political life. By 1886, the Knights began running labor tickets for office around the country, winning many races. This fell apart soon after due to the Haymarket backlash and infighting, but suggested the power of labor to transform American life if it were organized.

By the mid-1880s, new elements were entering the American working class. The rapid growth of European immigration after 1880 brought new ideas into the Knights, ideas that did not make people like Terence Powderly comfortable. The simple and eloquent platform of the 8 hour day galvanized working-class people across the country, many of whom joined the Knights for this reason but sought to make the organization their own. This included anarchists, a political ideology new to American shores at this time.

These immigrants flocked to an organization that supported their dream of an 8-hour day. Given the decentralized nature of the Knights, anarchists could have significant power with workers even if Powderly directly opposed their ideas. In Chicago, the growing immigrant and anarchist communities played a major role in the 8 hour movement. In response to the killing of two striking McCormick Harvesting Machine workers, the increasingly radical Chicago movement called for a large demonstration. Although turnout was small, it became one of the most important events in American labor history when an unknown anarchist (still unknown today) threw a bomb into a crowd of police officers, killing 8. The police then fired into the crowd, killing 8 strikers. Leading anarchists were arrested, thrown in jail, convicted, and 4 executed.

The Knights declined precipitously after Haymarket. Powderly was not ideologically prepared for mass violence nor for radical ideologies. The crushing of the Knights and the 8 hour movement after Haymarket left Powderly without much direction on where to take the organization and workers left it as quickly as they had joined the year before. The American Federation of Labor would soon rise to become the dominate working-class organization in America, but its conservative bent excluded the mass of unskilled and often foreign-born industrial labor that lent such immediacy to the 8 hour day campaign of 1886. These workers would fight and die for another half-century before successfully unionizing.

Powderly remained active in labor issues throughout his long life. Although he had headed the first large radical organization in the United States and was mayor of Scranton on the Greenback-Labor ticket, he was fundamentally conservative and became a Republican. He opposed immigration and had supported the Chinese Exclusion Act of 1882. He and William McKinley became close; McKinley named Powderly U.S. Commissioner General of Immigration in 1897 and he remained a high-profile immigration official until 1921 with the exception of a few years in the mid 1900s.

This series has also covered the Centralia Massacre of 1919 and the Stono Rebellion of 1739.


Comments (25)

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  1. Murc says:

    Good lord.

    That moustache.

    How did he EAT?

  2. partisan says:

    How are the 10 most important politicians by state coming along?

  3. Murc says:

    Facial hair aside; Erik, I recall reading somewhere that labor actually made a lot of really encouraging gains in the 1870s/1880s (getting the eight-hour day and the forty-hour week implemented in a surprising number of locales and industries) until the Galtian heroes of the day destroyed the economy and by extension the labor market, destroying labor gains and setting back the movement by decades as we limped to recovery.

    I could just be insane, tho.

  4. wileywitch says:

    Someone here, I don’t remember who (sorry), responded to one of my posts about the SEIU and in-home care-giving by pointing out a bad negotiation between the SEIU and employers in California. I really had every intention of looking it up, to be fair, and then I thount ‘NO. The union is not a staff hired to make things better for members— the union is a collective that elects leaders. All members have the right to participate in the decision making progress and the direction the union is going in.’

    What I WILL do, is structure my time management system so that there is room for attending meetings (in person and by phone meetings) and following the news on the SEIU newsletter, WITH REGULARITY AND DEPENDABILITY.

  5. creature says:

    Again, a great glimpse at where we were, and how we got here. Some things don’t change- the greed and arrogance of the ‘haves’ (aka 1%) look a lot like the current bunch of ‘haves’. Things are a bit different now though, there is a whole lot more ‘have nots’, and they have much better communication. That is our strength, our future.

    • Erik Loomis says:

      Let’s be clear about one thing–things in 2011 are nowhere near as bad as 1886. There is much to worry about now and things are trending in the wrong direction very much, but it’s not even comparable to the horrors working-class people lived with in the Gilded Age.

      • Njorl says:

        I remember someone making a comparison between Bill Gates at the height of his wealth and one of the gilded age plutocrats – I believe it was Carnegie. While Gates had a higher inflation adjusted net worth, Carnegie had about 20 times the wealth as a percentage of contemporary GDP that Gates had.

        • Cody says:

          I think it would be more important (and difficult) to measure how much influence it gave you.

          For example, how hard would it be for Carnegie to get you killed compared to Bill Gates?

  6. Njorl says:

    “They felt they had become involuntary servants to wage labor and thus the system needed to be abolished like African slavery during the war.”

    You load sixteen tons what do you get
    Another day older and deeper in debt
    Saint Peter don’t you call me ’cause I can’t go
    I owe my soul to the company store

    Many aspects of the system did need to be abolished, and were. I think the last refuge of the company town system complete with scrip might have been the lumber industry up in your old territory.

    Was labor able to eliminate them, or did they simply become uneconomical?

    • Murc says:

      The former. They remain wildly economical and would still be in use today absent laws that prohibit scrip systems (called in England ‘truck systems’) from operating.

  7. steelpenny says:

    I hope you’ll do a post about the 1892/1899 strikes in Coeur d’Alene. It’s not something they covered in my history classes growing up although they did mention the Steunenberg murder (but not the background).

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  9. […] began reaching out to the growing number of reformers and working-class activists. People like Knights of Labor leader Terence Powderly began encouraging the Alliance to mount a political challenge to the corrupt 2-party system of the […]

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  11. […] This series has also discussed Bacon’s Rebellion of 1676 and the founding of the Knights of Labor in 1869. […]

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  13. […] Single Taxers, Bellamyites, Chinese Exclusionists, 8 hour day organizers, unemployment marchers, Knights of Labor–all of these movements would be heavily influenced by the idea of making capitalism doing […]

  14. […] most work and banned work for those under 15 in the coal or iron mines. This was supported by the Knights of Labor, which was briefly prominent in Alabama, as it was in much of the nation. But with the […]

  15. […] On March 6, 1886, the Great Southwestern Strike began, marking the start of a year of worker revolt against the exploitation of Gilded Age capitalism. Over 200,000 railroad workers went on strike, but the failure to win helped usher in the decline of the Knights of Labor. […]

  16. […] and West Virginia. She bridged generations of activism, being extremely close friends with Terence Powderly while also hailing the rise of the United Mine Workers and radical activists that Powderly could […]

  17. […] the book is useful for the U.S. historian. Framing his story with the biracial organizing of the Knights of Labor in Louisiana, which led to the Thibodaux Massacre, Gourevitch argues that the Knights created a […]

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